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According to the best available analysis, Cassidy is not fully accurate about the funding increase. The bill would establish a new "block grant" program for states, taking the place of funding currently provided under the Affordable Care Act. The current funding under the ACA is primarily in the form of subsidies for people who purchase plans on the ACA's online marketplace, as well as an expansion of access to Medicaid. Because the bill would enshrine complex formulas to determine the size of each state's block grant, individual states would see differently sized block grants. Generally speaking, the formula is more generous to states that chose not to expand Medicaid under the Affordable Care Act (most of which are Republican-leaning). By contrast, the states that did expand Medicaid (many of them Democratic-leaning) would tend to do less well under Graham-Cassidy, based on various analyses. And if nothing is done to extend funding beyond 2026, all states would feel the pinch. We would ordinarily turn to the independent Congressional Budget Office to assess Cassidy's statement, but the CBO has said that, given the Republican leadership's rush to get the Graham-Cassidy bill to the floor, it will be unable to do a full analysis of the bill before the planned vote. (Senate Republicans' ability to pass the measure with just 51 votes expires at the end of September, which is widely considered the reason for the rush.) However, on Wednesday, an outside consulting group, Avalere Health, released an analysis it had conducted of the bill's potential impact on the 50 states. Overall, the report concluded that the Graham-Cassidy bill "would significantly reduce funding to states over the long term, particularly for states that have already expanded Medicaid," wrote Caroline Pearson, Avalere's senior vice president. It did find that in 16 states, funding would increase, at least as long as the block grants were funded.

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